Celtic Condone Bigotry?
It’s not a new phenomenon for Celtic FC to disgrace themselves. In fact, hardly a week goes by where they don’t.
While this is primarily a Rangers site, it would be churlish of any Rangers site to ignore some of what goes on across the city.
In this case I refer to TGFITW’s extremist section of “supporters” calling themselves “The Green Brigade” flying a banner depicting Ibrox on fire, with the “Rangers FC” sign changed to “H*ns FC”, with Neil Lennon also depicted in the banner as Lenin.
It has to be said that there are some warped minds over at Parkhead, where some supporters actually think that using communist ideology to underpin a sectarian banner is both clever and amusing.
The Green Brigade has a history of producing banners with subliminal political messages, usually republican in nature, so tacit support for a murdering dictator should not come as a surprise. As long as the “politics” are extreme; involve terrorising millions of people, are anti Democracy or anti British, then there will be support from the confused extremists.
Mixed up? You betcha.
This is the support, after all, that shouted Malvinas, Malvinas during the Falklands war in support of the Fascist regime in Argentina. Any danger that this support for right wing dictatorships was a part of Celtic’s history that they wish to forget about was blown away when England drew Argentina in this year’s World Cup, and Celtic fans across Scotland came out in support of the Malvinas in print, with Argentina flags hung outside of one notorious hostelry in the Gorbals.
More concerning is the club’s apparent support for the banner. Think about it.
This banner was allowed in the ground by stewards. It would have been seen also by Strathclyde Police, the match commander, Celtic officials, journalists, and several MPs present.
The banner was NOT removed.
Do the club condone the usage of sectarian banners?
Neil Lennon even took time out after the match to thank the Green Brigade specifically for their support
http://videocelts.com/2010/08/blogs/neil-lennon-praises-the-green-brigade
Given numerous documented references that the word “Hun” is sectarian, why is no one in Scottish society willing to address this double standard?
Thursday, 5 May 2011
Another Opinion Piece from the Archives - on James McMillan
James McMillan is Still Not Redeeming Himself
For those of you who don’t read right wing broadsheet The Telegraph, James McMillan the composer, has again been mouthing off about subjects other than classical music.
This time the self righteous, self appointed spokesman for extreme Catholicism in Scotland is calling for Celtic fans to ditch their “shady pro-terrorist sympathies”
I can see what you’re thinking now, “what has this well off new middle class Gent got to moan about?”
We’re only half way through the headline, which reads
“Celtic fans need to ditch their shady, pro-terrorist sympathies and return to their Catholic roots”
He starts with mock horror at the reports last week regarding Father James Chesney and recounted the similar scandal concerning Father Bartholomew Burns who was assigned to a Glasgow Archdiocese in the 70s.
Good so far, so what’s the issue?
He then describes himself thus
“Those of us of an Hiberno-Catholic inclination in Scotland have seen this sort of thing before.”
Hiberno-Catholic?
Is there a more pretentious pseudo identity claimed for (one section of) Scotland’s second or third generation Irish immigrants?
“It was inevitable that Catholics in these parts would take sides with the Civil Rights Movement, and their republican politics”
One has to look back and wonder just how the murdering racists who painted “Brits Out” on the walls of Belfast and beyond were allowed to call themselves a “Civil Rights” movement.
As propaganda goes, it’s not short of a Goebells offering.
“In earlier phases of the Nationalist/British struggle many of our relatives took part. After WWI, my grandfather’s cousin fled from Ireland to hide with the Scottish branch of the family in Ayrshire. This man sat with a cocked revolver behind the front door expecting the police to catch up with him at any time. I think he had probably shot some Black and Tan soldiers. One morning he was gone. A postcard from Pittsburgh finally arrived, and that branch of the family have been there ever since.”
Maybe I’m missing something, but doesn’t McMillan make a major assumption that all of the Irish Catholic immigrants were more interested in what happened in the homeland they had left, than the country that had just taken them in? Maybe he’s right. Maybe that’s why generations of Irish Catholics have failed to integrate in to Scotland.
The apparent pride in his First cousin once removed betrays the tenet of “anti violence” the headline alludes to.
“The culture of Glasgow Celtic FC is steeped in this history. It was established by a Marist Brother from Sligo in 1888 to provide charity, sport and entertainment for the urban poor who had settled in the east end of Glasgow in the 19th century”
Not according to author Bill Murray, who, in his book “The Old Firm: Sectarianism, Sport and Society in Scotland” claimed Celtic’s origins thus
“But as well as concern for the suffering poor, brother Walfrid was also prompted by a fear that Protestant soup kitchens might tempt young Catholics into apostasy. Moreover he was equally worried about the dangers of young Catholics meeting Protestants in their place of employment or leisure, particularly during the years after leaving school which he considered the most dangerous as far as "religious duties" were concerned. A Catholic football club then, could serve the dual purpose of easing the pain in starving stomachs at the same as it kept young Catholics together in their leisure time, free from the temptations of Protestants and Protestantism. The aims of his helpers may have been more prosaic, but when the circular announcing the formation of a Catholic club in the East End of Glasgow was circulated in January 1888, its religious foundations were stressed".
Not quite as romantic now Mr High Brow, is it?
"The club was eventually gifted the national flag – the tricolor – from the Irish Republic for the work they had done for Irish immigrants in Scotland."
Presumably McMillan has documentary evidence of this?
"In the continual bickering with their ancient enemies, Rangers FC, the accusations fly as to who has the most sectarian set of fans. The chants from the Rangers fans have a distinctly anti-Catholic edge, attacking the Pope and aspects of the faith."
Do we now? Which ones would they be, and when were they last heard?
Next comes one of a small number of acceptable paragraphs
“But hatred is hatred, and it doesn’t matter what initial instigation and shape it has. I have always celebrated the Irish culture from which I grew, but I have always been appalled at the ease with which many fellow Celtic fans were able to bestow their support on the IRA.”
He should be applauded for openly criticising this element of the Celtic support, but just has to resume the anti Rangers lies and Propaganda
"In the 1970s Scottish and English football was blighted by the entryism of the extreme Right. The NF and later the BNP would distribute their propaganda quite freely outside many grounds. In Scotland the most eager takers for this kind of fascist filth were the Rangers and Hearts fans. In contrast, the Celtic fans would pride themselves on the presence of the extreme Left at Celtic Park, in the shape of various Trotskyist and Sinn Fein lobbyists. Some sanctimonious Hoops supporters would even argue that their Leftism was the true modern heir of the charitable activities of the club’s Marist founder, Brother Walfrid. This clutch of values has led many Celtic fans into supporting the IRA’s murderous collaborators in other conflicts, including Hamas and Catalan and Basque separatists."
Firstly, there is no evidence, other than the hearsay of anti Rangers haters, that the NF and BNP had any type of market at Ibrox, or, for that matter, Tynecastle in any period.
When did McMillan ever witness this first hand, I’d like to hear it.
In 30 years of following Rangers at home and away, I’ve seen a representative of the BNP trying to sell their wares outside Ibrox twice. Both times they were chased from their “pitch”, and showed a clean pair of heels as they ran off down Copland Road.
The Trotskyists and left wingers allegedly at Celtic Park in the last 3 decades must have had days off when scores of Celtic fans racially abused Rangers black debutante Mark Walters,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XWYpmF1j288
Or when Celtic fans chanted “Malvinas Malvinas” in support of Argentina’s Fascist regime in 1982 (recently repeated in print by various Anti English racists during the World Cup)
Rangers fans are a huge demographic in Scotland, and if there were genuine Right Wing tendencies there would be right wing representation in every political sphere. There isn’t, because this is a lie designed to marginalise and denigrate the Rangers support with trendy liberals outwith the West of Scotland who don’t know any better.
When referencing those Celtic “leftists” who argued their politics were the natural heir to the charitable aims of Walfrid, he doesn’t argue the point.
Perhaps he has no opinion on it, or perhaps he agrees. Nevertheless, if he is undecided, perhaps he should remind himself of Communism’s strict intolerance of any religion being practised. Those “communists” must have had some conflicts of interest.
Or perhaps Communism was just a convenient badge to wear to ingratiate with media and people of influence.
Never let it be said though that credit isn’t given where due here, as the following statement of attack, while not 100% accurate in its relationship to left wing politics, is still welcome
“This clutch of values has led many Celtic fans into supporting the IRA’s murderous collaborators in other conflicts, including Hamas and Catalan and Basque separatists.
“When Celtic faced FC Hapoel of Tel Aviv recently, the Scottish TUC organized a huge anti-Israeli demonstration at the Glasgow leg, and recruited many eager Celtic fans to wave Palestinian and Hamas flags at the visitors. The sight of my fellow Celtic supporters goading our Jewish guests with anti-Semitic howls and insults was deeply shaming.”
He then chides the Celtic Support on their ongoing attacks on British Army personnel, reminding them that there are more than a few serving officers to support their team
“With British troops in action in Iraq and Afghanistan, many football clubs invite soldiers on leave to attend as honoured guests. Rangers have made a feature of this. This would be unimaginable at Celtic Park because of the baggage left over from the Troubles. But if Celtic supporters imagine that their team is not without its support in the British Armed forces, they are very much mistaken. In their last European final, in 2003, when Celtic played Porto in Seville, I happened to be working in Germany. I found a pub to watch the game. It was full of British soldiers, Celtic fans to a man.”
This is also welcome criticism from one of the club’s most prominent supporters. The debate over how serving British soldiers can share a terracing with such anti British sentiment is probably for another day.
He finishes off with a stern lecture
“For the sake of our reputation, Celtic fans need to reflect on the appalling political allegiances that they have made over the years. There is a clear necessity for a radical reassessment of the shadier aspects of Celtic’s “culture”. For a start, my fellow fans could ditch their copies of Socialist Worker and An Phoblacht, and get back to the original values of the club’s Catholic founder. That might mean finding new reading materials – the Gospels, for example. And it would also mean getting back to attending Mass and Confession.”
While it may be commendable for McMillan to condemn the tacit support for terrorism within the Celtic support, one has to ask why he wishes such a catholic identity for the club, and get back to “the original values of the club’s Catholic founder”?
The world is a far different place from the one in 1888. There is no need for exclusion in the 21st Century, no need to create a football club to become a focal point for the Catholic community, as that’s what the churches are for.
There may be a need for “charity”, but the demands of modern day football supporters, whatever religion they are is success, and the shareholders and of Celtic (and Rangers for that matter) would not stand for any significant percentage of their turnover being redirected from investment in players.
McMillan needs some perspective, and a dose of reality
This time the self righteous, self appointed spokesman for extreme Catholicism in Scotland is calling for Celtic fans to ditch their “shady pro-terrorist sympathies”
I can see what you’re thinking now, “what has this well off new middle class Gent got to moan about?”
We’re only half way through the headline, which reads
“Celtic fans need to ditch their shady, pro-terrorist sympathies and return to their Catholic roots”
He starts with mock horror at the reports last week regarding Father James Chesney and recounted the similar scandal concerning Father Bartholomew Burns who was assigned to a Glasgow Archdiocese in the 70s.
Good so far, so what’s the issue?
He then describes himself thus
“Those of us of an Hiberno-Catholic inclination in Scotland have seen this sort of thing before.”
Hiberno-Catholic?
Is there a more pretentious pseudo identity claimed for (one section of) Scotland’s second or third generation Irish immigrants?
“It was inevitable that Catholics in these parts would take sides with the Civil Rights Movement, and their republican politics”
One has to look back and wonder just how the murdering racists who painted “Brits Out” on the walls of Belfast and beyond were allowed to call themselves a “Civil Rights” movement.
As propaganda goes, it’s not short of a Goebells offering.
“In earlier phases of the Nationalist/British struggle many of our relatives took part. After WWI, my grandfather’s cousin fled from Ireland to hide with the Scottish branch of the family in Ayrshire. This man sat with a cocked revolver behind the front door expecting the police to catch up with him at any time. I think he had probably shot some Black and Tan soldiers. One morning he was gone. A postcard from Pittsburgh finally arrived, and that branch of the family have been there ever since.”
Maybe I’m missing something, but doesn’t McMillan make a major assumption that all of the Irish Catholic immigrants were more interested in what happened in the homeland they had left, than the country that had just taken them in? Maybe he’s right. Maybe that’s why generations of Irish Catholics have failed to integrate in to Scotland.
The apparent pride in his First cousin once removed betrays the tenet of “anti violence” the headline alludes to.
“The culture of Glasgow Celtic FC is steeped in this history. It was established by a Marist Brother from Sligo in 1888 to provide charity, sport and entertainment for the urban poor who had settled in the east end of Glasgow in the 19th century”
Not according to author Bill Murray, who, in his book “The Old Firm: Sectarianism, Sport and Society in Scotland” claimed Celtic’s origins thus
“But as well as concern for the suffering poor, brother Walfrid was also prompted by a fear that Protestant soup kitchens might tempt young Catholics into apostasy. Moreover he was equally worried about the dangers of young Catholics meeting Protestants in their place of employment or leisure, particularly during the years after leaving school which he considered the most dangerous as far as "religious duties" were concerned. A Catholic football club then, could serve the dual purpose of easing the pain in starving stomachs at the same as it kept young Catholics together in their leisure time, free from the temptations of Protestants and Protestantism. The aims of his helpers may have been more prosaic, but when the circular announcing the formation of a Catholic club in the East End of Glasgow was circulated in January 1888, its religious foundations were stressed".
Not quite as romantic now Mr High Brow, is it?
"The club was eventually gifted the national flag – the tricolor – from the Irish Republic for the work they had done for Irish immigrants in Scotland."
Presumably McMillan has documentary evidence of this?
"In the continual bickering with their ancient enemies, Rangers FC, the accusations fly as to who has the most sectarian set of fans. The chants from the Rangers fans have a distinctly anti-Catholic edge, attacking the Pope and aspects of the faith."
Do we now? Which ones would they be, and when were they last heard?
Next comes one of a small number of acceptable paragraphs
“But hatred is hatred, and it doesn’t matter what initial instigation and shape it has. I have always celebrated the Irish culture from which I grew, but I have always been appalled at the ease with which many fellow Celtic fans were able to bestow their support on the IRA.”
He should be applauded for openly criticising this element of the Celtic support, but just has to resume the anti Rangers lies and Propaganda
"In the 1970s Scottish and English football was blighted by the entryism of the extreme Right. The NF and later the BNP would distribute their propaganda quite freely outside many grounds. In Scotland the most eager takers for this kind of fascist filth were the Rangers and Hearts fans. In contrast, the Celtic fans would pride themselves on the presence of the extreme Left at Celtic Park, in the shape of various Trotskyist and Sinn Fein lobbyists. Some sanctimonious Hoops supporters would even argue that their Leftism was the true modern heir of the charitable activities of the club’s Marist founder, Brother Walfrid. This clutch of values has led many Celtic fans into supporting the IRA’s murderous collaborators in other conflicts, including Hamas and Catalan and Basque separatists."
Firstly, there is no evidence, other than the hearsay of anti Rangers haters, that the NF and BNP had any type of market at Ibrox, or, for that matter, Tynecastle in any period.
When did McMillan ever witness this first hand, I’d like to hear it.
In 30 years of following Rangers at home and away, I’ve seen a representative of the BNP trying to sell their wares outside Ibrox twice. Both times they were chased from their “pitch”, and showed a clean pair of heels as they ran off down Copland Road.
The Trotskyists and left wingers allegedly at Celtic Park in the last 3 decades must have had days off when scores of Celtic fans racially abused Rangers black debutante Mark Walters,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XWYpmF1j288
Or when Celtic fans chanted “Malvinas Malvinas” in support of Argentina’s Fascist regime in 1982 (recently repeated in print by various Anti English racists during the World Cup)
Rangers fans are a huge demographic in Scotland, and if there were genuine Right Wing tendencies there would be right wing representation in every political sphere. There isn’t, because this is a lie designed to marginalise and denigrate the Rangers support with trendy liberals outwith the West of Scotland who don’t know any better.
When referencing those Celtic “leftists” who argued their politics were the natural heir to the charitable aims of Walfrid, he doesn’t argue the point.
Perhaps he has no opinion on it, or perhaps he agrees. Nevertheless, if he is undecided, perhaps he should remind himself of Communism’s strict intolerance of any religion being practised. Those “communists” must have had some conflicts of interest.
Or perhaps Communism was just a convenient badge to wear to ingratiate with media and people of influence.
Never let it be said though that credit isn’t given where due here, as the following statement of attack, while not 100% accurate in its relationship to left wing politics, is still welcome
“This clutch of values has led many Celtic fans into supporting the IRA’s murderous collaborators in other conflicts, including Hamas and Catalan and Basque separatists.
“When Celtic faced FC Hapoel of Tel Aviv recently, the Scottish TUC organized a huge anti-Israeli demonstration at the Glasgow leg, and recruited many eager Celtic fans to wave Palestinian and Hamas flags at the visitors. The sight of my fellow Celtic supporters goading our Jewish guests with anti-Semitic howls and insults was deeply shaming.”
He then chides the Celtic Support on their ongoing attacks on British Army personnel, reminding them that there are more than a few serving officers to support their team
“With British troops in action in Iraq and Afghanistan, many football clubs invite soldiers on leave to attend as honoured guests. Rangers have made a feature of this. This would be unimaginable at Celtic Park because of the baggage left over from the Troubles. But if Celtic supporters imagine that their team is not without its support in the British Armed forces, they are very much mistaken. In their last European final, in 2003, when Celtic played Porto in Seville, I happened to be working in Germany. I found a pub to watch the game. It was full of British soldiers, Celtic fans to a man.”
This is also welcome criticism from one of the club’s most prominent supporters. The debate over how serving British soldiers can share a terracing with such anti British sentiment is probably for another day.
He finishes off with a stern lecture
“For the sake of our reputation, Celtic fans need to reflect on the appalling political allegiances that they have made over the years. There is a clear necessity for a radical reassessment of the shadier aspects of Celtic’s “culture”. For a start, my fellow fans could ditch their copies of Socialist Worker and An Phoblacht, and get back to the original values of the club’s Catholic founder. That might mean finding new reading materials – the Gospels, for example. And it would also mean getting back to attending Mass and Confession.”
While it may be commendable for McMillan to condemn the tacit support for terrorism within the Celtic support, one has to ask why he wishes such a catholic identity for the club, and get back to “the original values of the club’s Catholic founder”?
The world is a far different place from the one in 1888. There is no need for exclusion in the 21st Century, no need to create a football club to become a focal point for the Catholic community, as that’s what the churches are for.
There may be a need for “charity”, but the demands of modern day football supporters, whatever religion they are is success, and the shareholders and of Celtic (and Rangers for that matter) would not stand for any significant percentage of their turnover being redirected from investment in players.
McMillan needs some perspective, and a dose of reality
Claudy Opinion Piece
This piece is taken from a blog called "big mouth bear" the week after the Claudy report.
It is an opinion piece.
Where I publish opinion pieces I will make it absolutely clear
DJM
As the report on the Claudy bombing was released last week by the NI Police Ombudsman, it became clear that some collusion had taken place between the UK Government and the Roman Catholic church to cover for the alleged perpetrator of the bombing, a Father James Chesney, by colluding in moving him to Donegal in the Republic.
Everything about the report, and its release is symptomatic of the apathetic approach to justice for victims of the IRA, and other Republican terror groups.
The report itself, while clearly implicating the blame for the bombing on Father Chesney, focused most of it’s ire at the RUC, the UK Government, and Willie Whitelaw in particular.
Unlike other reports by the authorities, this was primarily set up as an investigation in to the failure of the RUC to bring the bomber to justice, so that’s the slant underpinning the whole investigation.
It should be noted, that the report, in total, amounts to 28 pages.
To put that in perspective, the Saville Enquiry document to Bloody Sunday is 5,000 pages.
This report does not have the same gravitas, political will or intent as the Bloody Sunday Enquiry, as the killer of innocent citizens did so in the name of the IRA.
“In correspondence with those personally affected by the Claudy bombings, the Police Ombudsman’s Office explained that the Office’s statutory powers were limited to the investigation of alleged criminality or misconduct by police officers and not by the Government, Security Agencies or the Catholic Church.”
The report gets off to a shocking start
“The investigation of the Claudy bombings was based at Victoria RUC Station,
Derry/Londonderry. The original papers from that investigation cannot be
located.”
It does then, however, state
"However, the original Inquest file, compiled from the police investigation, was
recovered and found to contain the following documents:
• A covering report written by the police officer leading the original
investigation;
• Typed witness statements in deposition form;
• Crime scene maps.
In addition, the following material was also recovered:
• Crime scene photographs;
• Original RUC Occurrence Books from Claudy and Dungiven Police
Stations recording daily incidents affecting policing for the relevant period.”
What this report DOES have in common with the Saville Report, is a clear picture of diabolical policing
“In 1972 the style and colour of the vehicle described were not common in
Northern Ireland. A person, referred to as Man A, who owned a similar car,
was arrested by police during the first week of August 1972 on suspicion of
involvement in the Claudy bombings. At interview he denied being involved,
stating that on the morning of the bombs he had been at the Bellaghy
Parochial House with a close relative and Father Chesney. Police records
indicate that both Father Chesney and a third party corroborated his alibi and
that Man A was released following interview. According to the documentation
he later left the country and was never re-arrested or charged.”
“The Police Ombudsman has established, from a document dated August
1972, that police assessed that Man A’s alibi had been prepared in advance
and that Father Chesney was involved in the bombing of Claudy. No
documented reason or rationale was found, which might have explained
and/or supported this assessment. The author of this document is deceased.”
“Police Officer 1, a Detective Sergeant, Special Branch, who had participated
in interviews of Man A during the 1972 police enquiry, told the Police
Ombudsman’s investigation that at the time of Man A’s interview his team
suspected Father Chesney of involvement in the Claudy bombings.”
The report then details some of the RUC intelligence used in the original investigation:
“The Police Ombudsman’s investigation has examined all the RUC
Intelligence gathered in respect of Father Chesney, which is now held by the
PSNI. The material originated from a variety of sources including witnesses,
police officers, terrorist suspects and informants.”
“Intelligence from August 1972 identified Father Chesney as the Quarter
Master and Director of Operations of the South Derry Provisional Irish
Republican Army (IRA). During the same month other police reports alleged
that Father Chesney had directed the Claudy bombings and that both he and
Man A were involved in other terrorist incidents.”
“In September 1972 a police Intelligence report stated that Man A was a
member of the IRA and referred to Intelligence of his direct participation in
acts of terrorism, including the bombing of Claudy, adding that his car had
been used by those responsible to leave the scene of the crime.”
“Intelligence in October 1972 alleged that Father Chesney had formed an
‘independent’ group of the IRA and that, in another operation by the security
forces, he had assisted Man A to evade arrest in September 1972. The report
made no reference to any intention to arrest Father Chesney”
“In the months following the bombing of Claudy, Police Officer 1 submitted
Intelligence reports. The officer told the Police Ombudsman’s investigation
that in these reports he had connected Father Chesney with the atrocity. The
officer said that the reports had alleged that the priest was a leading member
of an active IRA Unit, responsible for bombings in South Londonderry/Derry.
He confirmed that the reports had included related Intelligence. The Detective
recalled that he had wanted to have Father Chesney arrested and the
Parochial House searched but that his request had been refused by Police
Officer 3, ACC Special Branch , who had advised that ‘matters are in hand’.”
Additional items of Intelligence originating from 1972 and 1973 were also
found to be consistent with the assessment that the RUC had Intelligence,
which both directly and indirectly linked Father Chesney with the Claudy
bombings.
There are further references to suspicions and intelligence with regards to Chesney, but the report is now getting to the inferences of tip toeing around Chesney, presumably because he was a Priest., and where the words “cover up” spring to mind.
“On 30 November 1972 Police Officer 3 wrote to the NIO stating;
‘For some time I have been considering what action, if any, could be taken to
render harmless a dangerous priest, Father Chesney, who is leading an
I.R.A. Unit in South Derry………I attach a précis of the intelligence on Father
Chesney and suggest that our masters may find it possible to bring the
subject into any conversations they may be having with the Cardinal or
Bishops at some future date..…..’
At this point you think this is not going to be normal police investigation. So far, they have intelligence specific enough to not only arrest Chesney, but charge him, but are all escalating through channels of power
“The letter appears to have been designed to prompt the NIO to raise with the
Cardinal or Bishops of the Catholic Church the issue of Father Chesney’s
alleged involvement in terrorism. The Police Ombudsman has viewed a
précis of Intelligence which was forwarded to the NIO. This information is
believed to have been shared with Cardinal William Conway by the then
Secretary of State, Rt. Hon. William Whitelaw. The document referred to
Father Chesney’s alleged involvement in specific acts of terrorism, including
the Claudy bombings, and to a positive sniffer (dog) check for traces of
explosives in his car when he was stopped at a RUC Checkpoint in
September 1972.”
NIO is the Northern Ireland Office. This is not a copper asking a Sergeant for advice, this is the RUC asking the politicians what to do
This is where it really does get disgusting. This is the reply to the letter
“In response to this correspondence the NIO wrote to Police Officer 3 on 6
December 1972;
‘Many thanks for your note on Father Chesney. You will be relieved to hear
that Secretary of State(William Whitelaw) saw the Cardinal privately on 5 December and gave
him a full account of his disgust at Chesney’s behaviour. The Cardinal said
that he knew that the priest was a very bad man and would see what could
be done. The Cardinal mentioned the possibility of transferring him to
Donegal.’”
It doesn’t get any better. The Chief of the RUC agrees:
“The letter of 6 December was then circulated to a number of senior police
officers, including the then Chief Constable of the RUC, Sir Graham
Shillington. Next to his initials dated 11 December 1972, on a note attached
to the document, was written; ‘Seen. I would prefer a transfer to Tipperary’.
The correspondence was further endorsed ‘file off’.”
The report goes on
"The Police Ombudsman’s investigation has confirmed from records made
available by the Catholic Church, including the diaries of Cardinal William
Conway, that the Secretary of State, Rt. Hon. William Whitelaw, met with the
Cardinal on 5 December 1972.
The records indicate that Cardinal Conway maintained a working relationship
with the Secretary of State, with whom he and other church leaders
periodically had meetings. On 5 December 1972 there was a pre-arranged
meeting to discuss a government paper on the future of Northern Ireland.
The detail contained within the diaries of the Cardinal confirms that the
Secretary of State shared sensitive information with him in a private
discussion outside the formal meeting, about which he recorded;
‘……rather disturbing tete-a-tete at the end about C’.
Now, this is hardly the most detailed piece of evidence in a mass murder enquiry, but it goes on…
In an almost text book cover up, apparently sanctioned by the UK Government Chesney distanced himself from the atrocity
An entry dated Sunday 4 February 1973 in Cardinal Conway’s diary referred
to another meeting with the Secretary of State;
‘I began by referring to a certain person about whom he had spoken to me. I
said I had spoken to his Superior who had challenged him and he
strenuously denied the charge. The Superior had also got a colleague to
speak to him alone in the hope that he might confide in him, but here also he
had strenuously denied. The most he was prepared to admit was that he had
transported some people and this might explain the traces in the boot of the
car. I told him how I had come to know of this before he spoke to me. The
Superior however had given him orders to stay where he was on sick leave
until further notice. He seemed pleased with this’.
The Police Ombudsman has been unable to determine to whom Cardinal
Conway was referring as Father Chesney’s ‘Superior’. As a priest of the
Diocese of Derry, Father Chesney could only be removed or transferred from
his post at Bellaghy by the Bishop of Derry. The Catholic Church has
explained that Cardinal Conway had no direct ecclesiastical jurisdiction over
Father Chesney."
Why was the Ombudsman unable to determine this fact? The Bishop of Derry at the time of the meeting was Neil Farren, who resigned 2 months after the meeting, to be replaced by Edward Daly.
This is even reported in the BBC’s report of the publication of the investigation.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-11058002
The Ombudsman found no further written evidence of the discussion between Whitelaw and Conway.
What follows is a number of references to letters and communication from Police Officers 3 and 4 to and from RUC HQ and Special Branch implicating Chesney, and requesting further action be taken.
Oddly, the communications appear to be between the two sections of the Police force both wishing Chesney arrested, but still no action is taken?
You get the overriding feeling that something in this investigation has been removed, or edited, or that there was just a lack of any genuine will or intent to uncover a situation where an alleged IRA man was allowed to cross the border away from justice, with the apparent full support of the RC Church and NOI and UK Government.
Why?
Were the Government sold a puppy that the “war” in 1972 would escalate, or threatened by the church in some way?
The whole document appears to be a superficial nod to an event without so much as a few simple questions asked and followed up.
How was so much vital evidence “lost”?
Why is Claudy worth 28 pages and Bloody Sunday 5,000?
The full report, is not very easily accessible, but can be found on the Belfast Telegraph website.
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/multimedia/archive/00336/Claudy_336403a.pdf
It is an opinion piece.
Where I publish opinion pieces I will make it absolutely clear
DJM
As the report on the Claudy bombing was released last week by the NI Police Ombudsman, it became clear that some collusion had taken place between the UK Government and the Roman Catholic church to cover for the alleged perpetrator of the bombing, a Father James Chesney, by colluding in moving him to Donegal in the Republic.
Everything about the report, and its release is symptomatic of the apathetic approach to justice for victims of the IRA, and other Republican terror groups.
The report itself, while clearly implicating the blame for the bombing on Father Chesney, focused most of it’s ire at the RUC, the UK Government, and Willie Whitelaw in particular.
Unlike other reports by the authorities, this was primarily set up as an investigation in to the failure of the RUC to bring the bomber to justice, so that’s the slant underpinning the whole investigation.
It should be noted, that the report, in total, amounts to 28 pages.
To put that in perspective, the Saville Enquiry document to Bloody Sunday is 5,000 pages.
This report does not have the same gravitas, political will or intent as the Bloody Sunday Enquiry, as the killer of innocent citizens did so in the name of the IRA.
“In correspondence with those personally affected by the Claudy bombings, the Police Ombudsman’s Office explained that the Office’s statutory powers were limited to the investigation of alleged criminality or misconduct by police officers and not by the Government, Security Agencies or the Catholic Church.”
The report gets off to a shocking start
“The investigation of the Claudy bombings was based at Victoria RUC Station,
Derry/Londonderry. The original papers from that investigation cannot be
located.”
It does then, however, state
"However, the original Inquest file, compiled from the police investigation, was
recovered and found to contain the following documents:
• A covering report written by the police officer leading the original
investigation;
• Typed witness statements in deposition form;
• Crime scene maps.
In addition, the following material was also recovered:
• Crime scene photographs;
• Original RUC Occurrence Books from Claudy and Dungiven Police
Stations recording daily incidents affecting policing for the relevant period.”
What this report DOES have in common with the Saville Report, is a clear picture of diabolical policing
“In 1972 the style and colour of the vehicle described were not common in
Northern Ireland. A person, referred to as Man A, who owned a similar car,
was arrested by police during the first week of August 1972 on suspicion of
involvement in the Claudy bombings. At interview he denied being involved,
stating that on the morning of the bombs he had been at the Bellaghy
Parochial House with a close relative and Father Chesney. Police records
indicate that both Father Chesney and a third party corroborated his alibi and
that Man A was released following interview. According to the documentation
he later left the country and was never re-arrested or charged.”
“The Police Ombudsman has established, from a document dated August
1972, that police assessed that Man A’s alibi had been prepared in advance
and that Father Chesney was involved in the bombing of Claudy. No
documented reason or rationale was found, which might have explained
and/or supported this assessment. The author of this document is deceased.”
“Police Officer 1, a Detective Sergeant, Special Branch, who had participated
in interviews of Man A during the 1972 police enquiry, told the Police
Ombudsman’s investigation that at the time of Man A’s interview his team
suspected Father Chesney of involvement in the Claudy bombings.”
The report then details some of the RUC intelligence used in the original investigation:
“The Police Ombudsman’s investigation has examined all the RUC
Intelligence gathered in respect of Father Chesney, which is now held by the
PSNI. The material originated from a variety of sources including witnesses,
police officers, terrorist suspects and informants.”
“Intelligence from August 1972 identified Father Chesney as the Quarter
Master and Director of Operations of the South Derry Provisional Irish
Republican Army (IRA). During the same month other police reports alleged
that Father Chesney had directed the Claudy bombings and that both he and
Man A were involved in other terrorist incidents.”
“In September 1972 a police Intelligence report stated that Man A was a
member of the IRA and referred to Intelligence of his direct participation in
acts of terrorism, including the bombing of Claudy, adding that his car had
been used by those responsible to leave the scene of the crime.”
“Intelligence in October 1972 alleged that Father Chesney had formed an
‘independent’ group of the IRA and that, in another operation by the security
forces, he had assisted Man A to evade arrest in September 1972. The report
made no reference to any intention to arrest Father Chesney”
“In the months following the bombing of Claudy, Police Officer 1 submitted
Intelligence reports. The officer told the Police Ombudsman’s investigation
that in these reports he had connected Father Chesney with the atrocity. The
officer said that the reports had alleged that the priest was a leading member
of an active IRA Unit, responsible for bombings in South Londonderry/Derry.
He confirmed that the reports had included related Intelligence. The Detective
recalled that he had wanted to have Father Chesney arrested and the
Parochial House searched but that his request had been refused by Police
Officer 3, ACC Special Branch , who had advised that ‘matters are in hand’.”
Additional items of Intelligence originating from 1972 and 1973 were also
found to be consistent with the assessment that the RUC had Intelligence,
which both directly and indirectly linked Father Chesney with the Claudy
bombings.
There are further references to suspicions and intelligence with regards to Chesney, but the report is now getting to the inferences of tip toeing around Chesney, presumably because he was a Priest., and where the words “cover up” spring to mind.
“On 30 November 1972 Police Officer 3 wrote to the NIO stating;
‘For some time I have been considering what action, if any, could be taken to
render harmless a dangerous priest, Father Chesney, who is leading an
I.R.A. Unit in South Derry………I attach a précis of the intelligence on Father
Chesney and suggest that our masters may find it possible to bring the
subject into any conversations they may be having with the Cardinal or
Bishops at some future date..…..’
At this point you think this is not going to be normal police investigation. So far, they have intelligence specific enough to not only arrest Chesney, but charge him, but are all escalating through channels of power
“The letter appears to have been designed to prompt the NIO to raise with the
Cardinal or Bishops of the Catholic Church the issue of Father Chesney’s
alleged involvement in terrorism. The Police Ombudsman has viewed a
précis of Intelligence which was forwarded to the NIO. This information is
believed to have been shared with Cardinal William Conway by the then
Secretary of State, Rt. Hon. William Whitelaw. The document referred to
Father Chesney’s alleged involvement in specific acts of terrorism, including
the Claudy bombings, and to a positive sniffer (dog) check for traces of
explosives in his car when he was stopped at a RUC Checkpoint in
September 1972.”
NIO is the Northern Ireland Office. This is not a copper asking a Sergeant for advice, this is the RUC asking the politicians what to do
This is where it really does get disgusting. This is the reply to the letter
“In response to this correspondence the NIO wrote to Police Officer 3 on 6
December 1972;
‘Many thanks for your note on Father Chesney. You will be relieved to hear
that Secretary of State(William Whitelaw) saw the Cardinal privately on 5 December and gave
him a full account of his disgust at Chesney’s behaviour. The Cardinal said
that he knew that the priest was a very bad man and would see what could
be done. The Cardinal mentioned the possibility of transferring him to
Donegal.’”
It doesn’t get any better. The Chief of the RUC agrees:
“The letter of 6 December was then circulated to a number of senior police
officers, including the then Chief Constable of the RUC, Sir Graham
Shillington. Next to his initials dated 11 December 1972, on a note attached
to the document, was written; ‘Seen. I would prefer a transfer to Tipperary’.
The correspondence was further endorsed ‘file off’.”
The report goes on
"The Police Ombudsman’s investigation has confirmed from records made
available by the Catholic Church, including the diaries of Cardinal William
Conway, that the Secretary of State, Rt. Hon. William Whitelaw, met with the
Cardinal on 5 December 1972.
The records indicate that Cardinal Conway maintained a working relationship
with the Secretary of State, with whom he and other church leaders
periodically had meetings. On 5 December 1972 there was a pre-arranged
meeting to discuss a government paper on the future of Northern Ireland.
The detail contained within the diaries of the Cardinal confirms that the
Secretary of State shared sensitive information with him in a private
discussion outside the formal meeting, about which he recorded;
‘……rather disturbing tete-a-tete at the end about C’.
Now, this is hardly the most detailed piece of evidence in a mass murder enquiry, but it goes on…
In an almost text book cover up, apparently sanctioned by the UK Government Chesney distanced himself from the atrocity
An entry dated Sunday 4 February 1973 in Cardinal Conway’s diary referred
to another meeting with the Secretary of State;
‘I began by referring to a certain person about whom he had spoken to me. I
said I had spoken to his Superior who had challenged him and he
strenuously denied the charge. The Superior had also got a colleague to
speak to him alone in the hope that he might confide in him, but here also he
had strenuously denied. The most he was prepared to admit was that he had
transported some people and this might explain the traces in the boot of the
car. I told him how I had come to know of this before he spoke to me. The
Superior however had given him orders to stay where he was on sick leave
until further notice. He seemed pleased with this’.
The Police Ombudsman has been unable to determine to whom Cardinal
Conway was referring as Father Chesney’s ‘Superior’. As a priest of the
Diocese of Derry, Father Chesney could only be removed or transferred from
his post at Bellaghy by the Bishop of Derry. The Catholic Church has
explained that Cardinal Conway had no direct ecclesiastical jurisdiction over
Father Chesney."
Why was the Ombudsman unable to determine this fact? The Bishop of Derry at the time of the meeting was Neil Farren, who resigned 2 months after the meeting, to be replaced by Edward Daly.
This is even reported in the BBC’s report of the publication of the investigation.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-11058002
The Ombudsman found no further written evidence of the discussion between Whitelaw and Conway.
What follows is a number of references to letters and communication from Police Officers 3 and 4 to and from RUC HQ and Special Branch implicating Chesney, and requesting further action be taken.
Oddly, the communications appear to be between the two sections of the Police force both wishing Chesney arrested, but still no action is taken?
You get the overriding feeling that something in this investigation has been removed, or edited, or that there was just a lack of any genuine will or intent to uncover a situation where an alleged IRA man was allowed to cross the border away from justice, with the apparent full support of the RC Church and NOI and UK Government.
Why?
Were the Government sold a puppy that the “war” in 1972 would escalate, or threatened by the church in some way?
The whole document appears to be a superficial nod to an event without so much as a few simple questions asked and followed up.
How was so much vital evidence “lost”?
Why is Claudy worth 28 pages and Bloody Sunday 5,000?
The full report, is not very easily accessible, but can be found on the Belfast Telegraph website.
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/multimedia/archive/00336/Claudy_336403a.pdf
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DJM
If you are a sectarian bigot you will hate this site.
If, on the other hand, you have an ounce of humanity and an open mind, you will welcome this site.
You will be thinking that this is just A.N. Other site about the evil of sectarianism. You'd be wrong.
This blog will deal with FACTS and FACTS alone.
Let's face it, You're sick of opinions, and I'm sick of opinions, and the net is full of people who will either lie, or spin to suit their agenda.
The only "opinions" I will ever include on this site will be from experts in their field.
I believe you're intelligent enough to interpret real news stories, real reports and real statistics for yourself.
Watch This Space
DJM
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